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Slang has transformed other negative words, like bad , sick , or wicked , into positive ones. Still, as its irony wears off thanks to its own use, dank meme continues to evolve, referring to memes that are delightful, clever, or funny on account of their weirdness, obscurity, novelty, and idiosyncrasy.

Dank meme is an informal expression used on social media and online forums to talk about memes and meme culture.

Not everyone uses dank meme with its original irony, however. This is not meant to be a formal definition of dank meme like most terms we define on Dictionary.

Previous Word dank. Next Word dayt. Examples Origin Usage. What's hot. Related words slappy , We Are Number One , the struggle is real , meta , lel.

Where does dank meme come from? Hayek [7] called the "critical rationalist" philosophical school, which is more empirical than the "constructivist rationalism" of a priori deductivism, Meyer's understanding of world history is central to his philosophy.

Meyer's essential argument is explicitly based upon the philosopher Eric Voegelin 's multivolume Order and History that all world history until more modern times was composed of "cosmological" societies that unified all social activity under one controlling myth subsuming society and the state into one common understanding and power monism.

Meyer labeled the societies "tightly unified" [8] in their mores, culture, economies, religion, and government by suppressing all contradictory understandings.

Following Lord Acton 's "Liberty in Ancient Times," Meyer found only two historical "stirrings" in which that cosmological unity was even temporarily breached.

In Athens, Socrates used his vision of the cave to discover a reality behind its cosmological reality as interpreted by its democratic authorities, which challenged them by viewing ideal forms as the real repository of truth beyond the myths of its culture.

The unity was challenged so fundamentally that society turned upon the prophet, killed him, and returned to its previous unity. Abraham likewise rejected the cosmological unity of Ur and claimed a God that was independent of and more powerful than its myth, which Moses reinforced years later by rejecting Egyptian cosmological society to establish a Jerusalem whose prophets would likewise challenge state and society, with Nathan even forcing the monarch to admit evil and to repent.

Still, the representatives of state power generally ignored or restricted the challengers, and in any event, a new cosmological state, Rome, ended both stirrings and established an even stronger cosmological unity.

Caesar became the "sanctified symbol of the cosmos," in Meyer's terms, [9] and came to dominate the known world.

About the same happened in China, India, Persia, the Americas, and the rest. Modern times did not break the unity until a small voice in Rome's hinterlands cried out, "Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's and to God the things that are God's.

However, it created not a new unity but a "tension" [11] between empirical power and a mystical power sourced from another world but energizing this world.

In Europe are "two sets of tensions" of church and state contested and later added other tensions from cities, towns and estates that culminated in a Magna Carta that demanded for no single force to unify the rest, which created the conditions for freedom under agreed upon law, rather than a single state-enforced cosmological way.

The idea of dividing power to allow freedom within its tradition was only partially realized in medieval Europe [12] and was later challenged fundamentally by the rise of national monarchies and parliaments, which claimed a divine or popular right and power to reconstitute itself in new cosmological or utopian forms to retrieve the sense of order and unity promised by monism.

Before the tension was tamed in England, it was transferred to America, where it was protected by its colonial isolation, allowing the tension and balance of power between freedom and tradition to reach its zenith in the US Constitution.

To Meyer, the task of conservatism was to preserve the tension of the Western tradition to protect human freedom, which was inherently pluralist.

In his most influential book, In Defense of Freedom , freedom was defined in what Isaiah Berlin would label "negative" terms as the minimization of the use of coercion by the state in its essential role of preventing one person's freedom from intruding upon another's.

While left-utopianism was considered the immediate threat to the survival of this freedom, Meyer aimed at a "New Conservatism" as the principle protagonist against liberty from the right in his day.

This new conservatism viewed society as an organism whose agent was the national government rather than the states or private entities.

Meyer argued that virtue could reside only in the individual. The right of others to freedom must be respected by the individual even if the state does not respect it.

There is an obligation to others but it is individual, for even the "Great Commandment" is expressed in individual form: God, neighbor and oneself are each individual.

Yet even when the state takes properly limited acts to protect freedom, tradition will necessarily shape every such decision. Freedom by itself has no goal, no intrinsic end.

Donald Devine has argued Meyer's synthesis is a first principle or axiom that is as valid as Strauss's monist first principle and relates this to Hayek's critical rationalism philosophical tradition and those he identifies with it such as Aristotle, Cicero, Thomas Aquinas, Montesquieu, John Locke, Adam Smith and Lord Acton.

Meyer's attempt at synthesis was questioned by those representing both constituent parts. Traditionalists were provoked by Meyer's negative statements about two of their favorites, Robert Nisbet and Russell Kirk , which Kirk reciprocated by calling him "an ideologue for liberty".

The traditionalist Rossiter rather than Kirk or Nesbit was Meyer's target. Contrary to the Catholic philosopher Stanley Parry's claim that Meyer did not even recognize the family as a natural community, [41] Meyer called the family and state "necessary associations".

As far as educating children, prior to state control schools taught virtue and the truths of Western civilization and now do not.

Fellow National Review editor Brent Bozell [44] criticized Meyer for demanding a "maximum freedom" and for arguing that freedom is necessary in order to act virtuously.

Meyer did not make either claim. He actually wrote that total freedom was impossible. A forced act may be objectively virtuous in some sense but not for the individual who is forced to act.

Meyer's concern was that to give the state the power to define virtue is to have no standard for virtue at all.

Its definition would change with every change in power distribution. One cannot give the state the definition of virtue or there is no virtue — there is only power.

Actually, Bozell at the end recommended a social policy based upon the moral principle of subsidiarity, which is not all that different from Meyer's position.

A Parry article [46] argued that the Meyer libertarian critique was correct about the state and reform did necessitate a revision of tradition once the previous vision had lost its energy.

Pure restoration would be reactionary and impossible once broken. Restoration required a new "prophet" who would have to convince people freely to adopt the revision, not to rely upon force, which simply cannot be inspiring enough for substantial change.

It is necessary to take what is good from the present tradition, remove what has been abused and proclaim the revision as a renewed tradition, which must specifically convince the "individual members of a multitude" in order for a true synthesis to revitalize society.

In the late s, Meyer engaged in a continuing debate over the status of Abraham Lincoln with Harry V. Jaffa faulted Meyer for blaming Lincoln for the "destruction of the autonomy of the states".

Slavery, segregation and African American civil rights were seen as the defining case against fusionism's relevance to modern times because of the insistence by Meyer and others at the time that states rights be preserved even in the face of these demands.

Harry V. Jaffa [50] argued that neither state nor national sovereignty was clearly established in the Constitution but no American president has in fact operated on the assumption that state power was preeminent, giving the Constitution a nationalist orientation.

Once in position to act nationally, all presidents have exercised national power. Some of the cited presidents did act in favor of states rights but mostly as state officials or former presidents than when in power, such as Thomas Jefferson or James Madison.

Meyer replied that in fact the states had power and even caused a Civil War, which was more accurately labeled as a war between the states.

Meyer argued that limited national power, state autonomy, and decentralism were the essence of the Constitution as far as government was concerned.

Certainly that force has atrophied over time and even Meyer conceded some 14th Amendment limits to state actions. Separation of powers was the essence of the Constitution, very much including the states whose checks and balances were still alive in his day in the effective if partial state nullification of national court cases and laws.

Some libertarians vigorously joined in criticizing Meyer's conclusion that both ideological libertarianism and traditionalism were distortions of same Western tradition and that both undermined freedom.

Meyer argued that freedom by itself had no end, no purpose other than as a means for people to freely choose their own ends.

Ronald Hamowy [55] argued Meyer's synthesis cannot hold because there was a fundamental difference between a classical liberalism that promoted markets and freedom and a traditionalist conservatism that resisted it.

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